Mr. Ahmed Abdullah Al-Soofi* Secretary General of the Democracy Development Institute* is an active leader in the ruling General People's Congress (GPC) and is authorized to speak on its behalf. People claim that Al-Soofi was supporting Yemeni Socialist Party (YSP)* but he proved to be the first founder of a civil society organization through lavish support from the late Dr. Abdulaziz Al-Saqqaf* founder of Yemen Times* in 1994. He contributed to establishing the Legal Assistance Center in 1997 and generalizing oversight in the Arab region in 1995. At the time of political congestion over unity* he established the Popular Movement to Defend National Unity and Fight Corruption. He is currently working on establishing the National Democratic Alliance. Yemen Times met with Al-Soofi and conducted the following interview* in which Al-Soofi sheds light on the GPC?s stand towards controversial affairs such as elections* corruption* terrorism and the crisis in the southern and eastern governorates of the country. YT: How do you perceive the government?s preparations for the upcoming parliamentary elections* and how do you evaluate current relations between the government and the opposition? SG: Disagreements between the GPC and the opposition concerning elections are based on selfish considerations which are absolutely unrelated to democracy and the supreme interest of the country. The latter have risen to a dangerous level and I expect that no one can stop them. The way I see it* the opposition participates in the electoral process and the GPC holds 60 percent of the parliament seats* while the opposition and independent candidates will be given the rest. This will create an active parliament* better opposition and* more importantly* lead the GPC to rid itself of complacency. Preparations toward the elections are one of the political activities and central duties that the government is working on. It has to fulfill all its commitments. Towards these preparations* many prolonged dialogues have been conducted with political powers. The Supreme Commission for Election and Referendum (SCER) was dissolved three times and then re-formed. However* dialogue with political powers has yet to reach any agreement. Yet the government has been working according to the law on which the parliamentary elections were based in 2003. This law has been amended many times and much legislation derives from it. As is one of the fruits of dialogue between the government and the opposition* I wonder why the opposition refuses to participate in these preparations. YT: The opposition [the JMP] demands the proportional list as a condition to participate in the elections. What is the stand of the ruling party on this? SG: The JMP doubt democracy as the GPC is the one that rules but* if they were the majority* they would sing its praises. They have run in many elections including two or three parliamentary elections. They also participated in local and presidential elections* but have always remained a minority. Will the proportional list create a magic wand for them and enable them to attain the majority? YT: But they accuse the government of monopolizing all the country?s capacities to serve the official media* army and security apparatuses. SG: The problem in Yemen is not a question of capacities but* rather* a question of democracy. The opposition doesn?t want to bear responsibility in its duties toward promoting democracy. We may have some discrepancies in democracy here and there* but* if so* we all should sit at the table of dialogue to improve the electoral process. I want to maintain that the upcoming elections of 2009 will be better than those of 2003 in all respects* for the simple reason that the opposition will be the observer. YT: How can the opposition observe if it does not participate? SG: As long as it will not participate* it is up to it to discover where the fault is. Let it be free for once to discover the shortcomings of the democratic process and we will prove that we are committed precisely and fairly to the law. YT: Do you think that the GPC will repeat its control over the elections this time? SG: Why would the GPC repeat its control? We have offered initiatives and important concessions* including the amendment of the election law* to satisfy of the opposition. It seems that there JMP internal problems have caused its members to fail to reach a united stand. They couldn?t even present a list of their candidates for SCER membership on time. With regard to the proportional list* it will serve the Socialist and Nasserite parties as they are scattered but it will not serve the Islah Party. Consequently* I don?t think that the JMP speak with one voice and think with one mind. The JMP have strategic considerations as they either run for elections to achieve a strong victory or to limit the results of the electoral process. YT: Do you really think that there are serious disagreements among JMP members? Do you think that there are splits among them or that they will run for the elections with one list? SG: First* we should understand that it is in Yemen's interest to have a strong opposition. We wish for a homogeneous opposition with democratic culture and aims. All the members of the opposition originated from the ranks of government. Antagonism against the government unified them* not a common strategy to develop democracy or a harmonious political program. Even their program for "national rescue" was a matter of tactics which imply that one side in the JMP will sacrifice its alliance and run for elections alone. YT: Do you mean the Islah Party? SG: I don?t know* but I sense the Islah Party has a different agenda nowadays. The Islah Party is a political party of a high caliber but is impeded by a small undercurrent that calls for exerting pressure on the government and the GPC. The weight and size of this current has now weakened. It seems that reasonable people inside the Islah party will impose themselves and their historic descent that refuses adventure and run for elections even if the other JMP members refuse. YT: Is there still an alliance between the GPC and Islah Party as in the past? SG: I don?t think that the experience of 1997 will be repeated but the bonds -whether ideological or political- as well as the historic experience between the GPC and Islah are so deep that they represent strategic potential. I am certain that many of Islah party members will not let go of this depth in relations and neither will the GPC. We joined forces with the Socialist Party to achieve one of the most important accomplishments in Yemen: unification and democracy. If the Socialist party has a plan to invest this accomplishment for its future* the GPC will keep its doors open for dialogue as well as with the Islah party* either together or separately. YT: Let us move to what is happening in the southern and eastern governorates of Yemen. The opposition says it is a result of violence and may end in a real humanitarian and political disaster. In your opinion* are these activities political or they are merely demands? What are the options through which the ruling party can tackle the crisis? SG: What is going on in the southern governorates is a political movement as it is headed by part of the Socialist Party as one of the party's currents has moved away from the will of the party toward partial independence. However* it is part of the Yemeni Socialist Party and also part of the political personality of its activities in those governorates. YT: What are the reasons behind the current deterioration in these governorates? SG: There are five factors the GPC considers the main reasons of what is happening. The first is that the Yemeni unification raised expectations* revenue expectations. Many hopes were staked on the Yemeni unification* with little regard for the obstacle of unification between the south and north. Development has suffered from different obstacles including population density. The second factor is that* in the past* the political and economic experience in the southern governorates depended on the mode of the social production that enabled its government to determine even basic needs such as food* clothing* education and health. This system drained society?s energy and rendered it inoperative in terms of contribution to development. The government took such complete care of the people that it stole their right to independent development. The third factor is that the government?s overall dominance has dissuaded society from contributing of the society in different sectors including health* education and development. The fourth factor that created this situation in the south is the intensive transfer of capital from the northern governorates to the south. This coincided with a process of illegal appropriation of lands by [individuals in power] to invest in them. The greed for investment inside the southern governorates has created a feeling within citizens that they are not part of this economic development. The fifth factor is that the government has become weak in these governorates in front of these centers of power that have started to impose themselves and their arrogance and marginalized the people. In addition* political difficulties led to doubts about some people?s patriotism for which they were accused of being secessionists. These governorates are angry at the weakness of the government and the arrogance of power centers that plunder their resources. Some people extort the government with threats of creating a disaster* and the government gives them money and cars to win them over* but in such a way that the problem cannot come to an end. YT: But there is appropriation of public lands and properties based on high directives. SG: Every citizen in the southern areas should possess land. We also have to plan for governorates such as Aden* Lahj and Mukalla to establish strategic economic projects as a symbol of the Yemeni unification. With regard to the political movement in the south* there are the demands of [official and civilian] retirees and employees [in government jobs]. It is time to close the file of war with all its details as its continuation represents a danger for Yemen. There is no danger against the unification as is installed in everybody's heart* but bad government and opposition practices create problems. The strength of the Yemeni unification consists in its ability to bear all arising contradictions. YT: It is certain that the Yemeni crisis* whether in the south or in the north* resulted from lack of political will to reform or from the ruling party?s procrastination. How do you view this matter? SG: The idea is that there is a crisis in Yemen only. The whole Arab regime and the Islamic civilization are under crisis. There are many crises and we are not an exception. However* we are one of the better examples of democracy in the region. YT: You and other members of the GPC say that there is no corruption. Do you think this is right? SG: Corruption has existed for 4*000 years and the world doesn?t feel in crisis. YT: But in Yemen* corruption is very high. SG: How do you measure it? Are you better than the Central Organization for Control and Auditing (COCA)? YT: Do you consider being a businessman and an official in the government at the same time* for example* to be corruption? SG: I can say that there is corruption in Yemen* but not because there are many corrupt individuals but due to a shortage of honest men inside the country. YT: Why not because the government doesn?t tackle or combat corruption? SG: If you cannot offer a single shred of evidence to support these allegations in your newspaper or in opposition newspapers* then how can they be considered to be true? There is no corruption. We have dozens of inactive authorities that combat corruption* but they are not systematic and cannot do anything. We have the COCA* but is doesn't belong to any authority. We have the General Authority for Integrity* but we don?t know anything about it. The nature of these different authorities indicates that we don?t know how to deal with the situation and don?t have a culture to combat corruption. Newspapers talk about corruption but they don?t have evidence. This leads us to deny that there is corruption. YT: We have the COCA in Yemen* but does it have the authority to publish the violations and corruption that it registers? SG: The political leadership wishes that you and all Yemenis would provide real proof and information. In such a case* you will be partners in the political management of combating corruption. Yemen is in need of a clear program* clear leadership* clear will supported by the public. But talking in the air will not lead us to solutions to all issues. In brief we need to start a revolution against ourselves before we revolt against corruption. YT: Corruption has appeared during the last two decades and it wasn?t there during the Al-Hamdi rule* for example. SG: Corruption becomes clear in coincidence with a development process. Upon construction* many defects appear. As long as you spend on development defects will be clear* and a system of regulations and monitoring is important to get rid of corruption. A national integrity system should be set up to get rid of it* and the best system is media that follows the morals of profession and performance. YT: Let us move to the security situation and terrorism. Who do you think is behind terrorism? Who funds it? SG: I believe that terrorism in general follows areas of influence and areas of movement. When the U.S. declared that it had established the Middle African Leadership Center* Al-Qaeda explosives began. When the U.S. talks about Afghanistan and wants to return to the country after having destroyed the Taliban* the role of Al-Qaeda becomes stronger. When the U.S. pays attention to the issue of a Pakistani nuclear weapon* Al-Qaeda and Taliban Pakistan rear their ugly heads. When the U.S. talks about certain demands in the Red Sea- particularly from Yemen- the hands of Al-Qaeda extend to reach Yemen. This means that Al-Qaeda and the terrorist activity are part of the war-on-terror policy. The policy of war on terrorism is made up of two words* "politics" and "terrorism". Therefore* the U.S. policy generates terrorism in the whole world and you cannot talk about funding by simple organizations which would be able penetrate the U.S. system. At the same time* The U.S. cannot offer any evidence that Al-Qaeda destroyed the World Trade Center in 2001* although they have pictures of Bin Laden and names of the attackers. So* terrorism is one of the CIA tools. Whenever there are demands* interests or even conflicts between the US and other countries* Al-Qaeda becomes a third side* always. Does this coincidence attract your attention? This answers the question of who funds terrorism. You can realize that whenever there is disagreement between Bush administration -not the U.S. - and other countries* Al-Qaeda becomes more active. What is going on in Yemen is part of this complicated process which is called "war on terror" under the leadership of George W. Bush and his neo-conservatives who use all of the conservatives* extremists and fundamentalists* as well as all beliefs and religions [to their advantage]. YT: What about the war in Sa'ada? President Saleh declared the war over* but Houthis say they have witnessed military mobilizations and preparations for a potential war after the elections. What is your point of view on this issue? Are they serious in ending the war? SG: Sa'ada is the stage of a backward historical project and a field of conflict between the republic and monarchy rules. Some people practice un-republican behavior there* but the culture of citizenship and development was able to solve this problem. The president's decision to end the war was correct. In the end* we don?t like centers of powers to create crisis on their own behalf. We should behave with responsibility and this last war was ended 85 percent. Sa'ada needs to build its confidence* its culture. We don?t want it to be a field of conflicts. YT: Opposition parties* particularly the JMP* demand a parliamentary not a presidential system. What is your opinion? SG: We want to be close to the opposition parties. Therefore* we avoid including the standards of a presidential system. We have put together our demands as well as theirs to create a system that has features of both systems. We are in need of an opposition that exceeds the GPC and makes us believe in a future without the supervision of the GPC or President Ali Abdullah Saleh. We need a Yemeni people who can continue its experience without needing individuals or parties* but through the acts of the opposition. However* I still believe that the GPC will rule for another 50 years....

المزيد...